Attitude: How important it is to win the patriots to win Gujarat

_98876403_gettyimages-652012748.jpgAfter the removal of Gujarat’s first woman chief minister Andiben Patel, after that the BJP’s hold in the Patidar community was reduced and then the struggle of this community turned into a violent movement.

Because of all these incidents, over the last two decades, the BJP on Gujarat has been feeling its loose grip today.

When the election time comes, caste card is played, and politics starts changing its axis. This happens when leaders of caste communities tell politicians sitting in their power that it is time to repay their ‘price’.

Narendra Modi is the longest (4610 days) Chief Minister of Gujarat. In 2014, he left for Delhi after being elected for the post of Prime Minister.

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Modi chose Anshiben Patel as his choice. Modi’s strong grip in the party and government did not allow any kind of breakdown and ambition to flourish. Under Modi’s leadership, any disagreement within the party was immediately dealt with in effect.

But as soon as Modi went to Delhi, some forces started to appear openly. The flame of this fire was lit by Patidar leaders who were against Andyden. In such a situation, what could be better than reservation?

Within the party, many people were ready to ventilate this spark. All know well about rivalry between Amit Shah and Anandiben, two of Narendra Modi’s closest companions. Uncertainty in Gujarat, Patidar agitation weakened the grip in Anandiben Patel’s Gujarat.

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And then the violence against Dalit youth in Una gave Amit Shah an opportunity to leave Anandiben and sit on the chair of chief minister of Rupnagar.

Hardik Patel, who raised the demand for reservation to the police in educational institutions and government jobs, emerged as a major face when the state government launched a case of treason against him and ordered to go out of Gujarat for six months.

Hardik has made a tremendous return to Gujarat and since then he has remained a stutter stuck for BJP.

On the basis of number, there is a lot of influence of the patitants in Gujarat, they are also financially strong. Community understanding among the Patidars is also much better, the result of which is that they are now strengthened socially, professionally and politically, emerging from bonded labor.

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Madhav Singh Solanki with the then Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission Manmohan Singh, photo of May 7, 1985
Patrick’s Interference
Part of the population of Gujarat’s total population of 60 million and 30 million is 14 percent and the total votes of the voters are 21 percent in Patidar. In the 24-member Cabinet of Anandiben Patel, 8 ministers came from this community. Of the 182 legislators in the state, 42 are MLAs Patel

For the first time, the strong holders of schools and colleges in the colleges had realized the sidelination in the Congress rule. When Madhavsinh Solanki was the Chief Minister of Gujarat in 1985, he came with the KHAM formula. It meant K-Kshatriya, H-Harijan, A-tribal and M-Muslims alliance

With the help of this formula, the Congress had won 149 seats while registering a historic victory in Gujarat. Then the leaning of the Patidars turned towards the Janata Dal-led Janata Dal and later they came to the BJP which could damage the Congress.

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Patidar community
Even after obtaining a strong majority in 1985, Solanki did not succeed in retaining his hold on power. He had decided to increase OBC reservation to 27 percent, due to which he had to face the anti-reservation agitation.

Patinder, who sought reservation today, was a leader of the anti-reservation group at that time. Gradually, this movement started to become fierce, and as a result, Rajiv Gandhi had to return Solanki to Delhi after becoming Union Minister.

That is what the Patidar community, who once had a big vote bank of BJP, is now going to damage BJP due to the demand for reservation. In the local body elections in November 2015, it was Patidar that became vocal about the ruling BJP and the Congress got a new victory by this election.

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Although the BJP retains all the municipal corporations in urban areas in their political fortress, the margins of their victory must definitely be reduced. In the rural areas, the party was badly damaged. Congress managed to occupy 23 of the 31 district panchayats of Gujarat and 192 in 230 tahsil panchayats.

BJP had to satisfy 67 tahsil panchayats. There were at least eight districts where the BJP failed to win a single tahsil seat. In 2010, BJP won 83 of the 323 seats of the local body, that is, 269 seats.

In the year 2015, BJP lost 44 per cent of its seats and only 126 seats in its membership. In 2010, BJP won 547 out of 24 district panchayats. This time, Congress won 596 seats in 31 district panchayats.

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Before going to Delhi, there are several records of success in Modi’s account while Modi is the Chief Minister of Gujarat; Of the 31 district panchayats, 192 of 30, 230 tahsil panchayats, 49 of the local bodies and 49 of the state’s eight municipal corporations won Entered

Just three years since Modi came to Gujarat, the situation of the party started to deteriorate in the state. Now the BJP is getting tired of how to deal with these situations. On the other hand, the shrinking Congress’s trust in the past in the shadow of its past seems to be returning.

And he is ready to hand over the BJP twice in the assembly elections to be held in December this year. It is not that the BJP government did not try to retain the support of the Patidars. Last year, he made a provision of 10 percent quota for economically backward class.

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But on August 8, the High Court dismissed this quote. This issue once again caught the thrust when Hardik Patel said that he could support the Congress in lieu of the reservations of the Patidars. On November 22, Hardik announced that he has accepted the Congress proposal for reservation of the patriarch provided the party came to power.

There is a question as to what is the need for reservations in Gujarat that is considered to be relatively prosperous. There is no immediate answer to this. But Hardik does not think so. They say that people see cream present on the surface of milk and remove their results.

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Hardik Patel claims that 60 percent of his community is poor. In fact, the old people say that before independence, Patel used to work as farm laborer who worked for Rajput farmers, but along with the time he became the landowner.

Says Sumit Vyas, a Brahmin society: “There are other castes in the state whose condition is worse than the Patidars, Patidars are in a comparatively better position, but other castes have neither political nor economic status. By which they can make pressure on the government for their demands

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